Archaeology Magazine - July 1973 - 59

Of the Costa Ricans involved in huaquerismo, nearly 4,330 are directly Involved In
digging for antiquities. I arrived at this figure
by counting permits Issued by the National
Museum to huaqueros a few years ago (for
then permits were easily obtained), and by
extrapolating with conservative indices developed from extensive and intensive interviews with a select sample of 74 huaqueros.
In that small country, about 4,400 people
make over half their total income from the
sale of antiquities; the fractional residue comprises a handful of specialists in restoration,
a dozen dealers, as many "runners," policemen, customs officials and shippers who take
bribes. The figure includes both part-time and
full-time huaqueros, who range in social status from alleged employees of the National
Museum down to farmers who work their plots
for an occasional illegal object, to peons who
do much of the manual labor at very low
wages. Graft and dishonesty are common
within the profession, and It is not unusual for
the foreman of a dig to pay various employees
to withhold good objects from the excavation's
"sponsor," while the sponsor pays the local
police to ignore the digging or bribes a customs agent to mislabel a shipment for export.
The
huaqueros not only explained the
tricks of their trade but also provided me with
an extraordinarily rich account of the historical, geographical and social background of
the antiquities market. It was this experience
with the people and their needs that brought
me to understand what an important role this
market plays in the country's economy and Its
national spirit. For there can be no doubt that
the rewards of huaquerismo are partly spiritual. The men involved In the trade highly
prize their Independence, the pleasure of the
"hunt," and the aesthetic ramifications of their
business. A kind of freemasonry
prevails
among their numbers; they enjoy talking at
great length about their technical expertise,
about the various "types" of huaqueros, and
even trace the genealogy of teacher-apprentice .relationship. Many have a philosophical
bent and, very often, a very considerable
detail. All of
knowledge oi archaeological
them recognize the rather grim fact that making a living is easier this way: the alternatives
available In the Costa Rican economy are not

as plentiful as one might like.
The commercial antiquities business, then,
is a communal affair, an intricate network of
profits and connections - and not infrequent
losses - that encompasses a broad spectrum
of Costa Rican citizenry. But the Costa Ricans
cannot be made to take the whole blame, for
the network extends outward, across several
oceans, to high-profit outlets in Paris and
Zurich, to museums and private collectors in
New York and elsewhere, to entrepreneurs In
New Orleans and Los Angeles who offer seaborne "expeditions" to Costa Rica for fun
and profit. I do not for a moment condone the
damage done by these bootleg archaeologists.
But they are certainly no more blameworthy
than the collectors and curators whose competition sustains, even Inflates, the international market, or the dealers who profit far more
while risking far less.
Scientific archaeology will continue to lose
out to bootleg archaeology until the complex
reproblem of protecting archaeological
sources Is solved. And I do not believe we can
work out a truly effective solution without recognizing that this activity serves important economic and other functions for many people In
areas where opportunities are sharply limited.
This is one reason why it Is difficult to assign
culpability to those who actually do the damage, with shovel in hand. It Is also a reason
why restrictions can probably be more effectively imposed among consumers than producers. After all, the consumer has the
choice In what he buys.
DWIGHT B. HEATH Is Professor of Anthropology at Brown University. The research on
which this paper is based was conducted in
1968-69 while he was visiting Professor at the
Universidad de Costa Rica under the auspices
of a Fulbright-Hayes grant. A more detailed
report of this work appears in his article
"Economic Aspects of Commercial Archaeology in Costa Rica," American Antiquity 38:3
(1973) 259-265. Most of his other work to
date has focused on the ethnography and history of various tribal and peasant groups in
Bolivia, Middle America and the United States.
His books include: Contemporary Cultures
and Societies of Latin America, A Journal of
the Pilgrims at Plymouth, Historical Dictionary
of Bolivia and Land Reform and Social Revolution in Bolivia.
219

Archaeology Magazine - July 1973

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