IEEE Technology and Society Magazine - June 2017 - 53

The cultural order of gender in most societies examined in this paper is binary: male and female. Based on
human sexual characteristics, a third gender, intersex,
may also be included. Further, queer theory allows for
the inclusion of a fourth gender, queer, whose members do not necessarily identify with one gender [14].
Somewhat reflecting this, discussions in robotics
regarding gender are binary: male and female, with the
addition of genderless, which is the assumed category
of machines.
As gender is an important aspect of how we relate to
one another as humans, it is a critical component in
how humanoid robots are perceived. As Van Zoonen
notes on gendering the Internet, some of the most
important gendered meanings of technology arise at its
point of consumption [15]. Since robots have no organic
gender or sexuality, gender is assigned (or not assigned).
There are two ways in which we can consider this assignation: in terms of physical form and/or in terms of the
robot's purpose or designated role.
In her work on Japanese robots, Robertson observed
differences in physical gender characteristics as follows:
■ Female: a slender, interiorized body (where mechanics are concealed by clothing or "skin"); rounded
cheeks, a slim neck, almond shaped eyes.
■ Male: a muscular, exteriorized body (with mechanics
visible), a squarish head, angular jaw, firm chin,
sturdy neck and straight shoulders [2].
Robertson's list provides a useful example of how
robotic bodies can be varied by applying stereotypical
gendered markers. Observing humanoid robots developed in the U.S. as well as Japan, we can see a similar
trend in the stereotyping of gendered appearances in
both countries. For example, HRP-4C (also known as
Miim) (female) (Figure 2) and Atlas (male) (Figure 3) both
fit into the categorized features identified above.
Robot voices are also an aspect of the physical form,
which are usually drawn from humans, and are therefore gendered. The film Her provides an interesting
example of voice creating identity. While this intelligent
artefact has no human body, the audience interpolates
a strong sense of identity from the voice of Samantha,
to the extent that the main character, Theodore, is able
to experience a seemingly authentic heteronormative
relationship with "her." The substitution of an unknown
voice, or a less culturally appealing voice (as portrayed
in spoof Youtube clips, e.g., [16]), may challenge the
viewer's acceptance of the relationship between Theodore and Samantha.
Most virtual assistants developed in the U.S. have
female voices, such as Siri, Alexa, and Cortana, suggesting that the role of a personal assistant is gendered
female, e.g., a stereotypical secretary. This has prompted some users to ask the voice-activated programs
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"sassy" questions such as "are you sexy?" [17]. By contrast, Nass and Yen note that BMW recalled one of its
cars in Germany because male users felt uncomfortable
receiving GPS navigation directions from a female voice.
In a Stanford University study on how humans perceive
gender in technology, Nass found that U.S. student
respondents attributed a range of gendered stereotypes
to a computer, based only on whether it had a male or
female voice [18].

Most virtual assistants developed in
the U.S. have female voices, such as
Siri, Alexa, and Cortana, suggesting
that the role of a personal assistant
is gendered female.

Most gendered humanoid robots currently being
developed with a realistic human appearance are
female. Japan leads this trend, particularly robots by
the designer Hiroshi Ishiguro that include HRP-4C and
Repliee Q2 mentioned above. Weber [19] suggests that
robots are created as female presenting because they
will be perceived as less threatening by users-a female
appearance is assumed to lead to a particular type of
behavior. Interestingly, a study of children's reactions to
gendered robots indicated that female robots were seen
as "more friendly" than male ones [20]. Halberstam
goes further, arguing that technology is gendered as
female to make it seductive, encouraging more users to
engage with it [4].
The gendered form of a robot is usually correlated
with the gender of their work role or designed purpose.
For example, female-presenting robots are being
designed as front-desk concierges, caretakers and companions for the elderly, child minders and house-cleaners, as well as sex robots [21]. As Carpenter notes, robot
roles are loaded with stereotypes and related signifiers
for interaction [22]. For example, a study of 198 young
adults in Singapore found that respondents felt more
comfortable with the idea of a male-gendered security
robot and a female-gendered house-cleaning robot [23].
Evidence linking role and appearance is also mentioned
by [10] and [24]. In promotional material for Japan's
Innovation 25, a cartoon image of a domestic robot is
depicted in pink, with many arms creating an ideal
vision of care and competence in performing domestic
chores (Figure 5). The robot cares for children while

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